Archive for the ‘politix’ Category

The Funk Generation

Tuesday, August 25th, 2009

logo_apafunk_letra_amarela11

Today just might have been a historic day.  At 10 am hora de Brásilia, the State Legislature of Rio de Janeiro convened a public plenary session on funk.  It was sponsored by the Human Rights and Citizenship Commission, whose president explained:

A proposta é pôr em questão oportunidades de se promover o funk como um instrumento pedagógico a ser utilizado nas escolas ou de se criarem, por exemplo, oficinas profissionalizantes para formação de DJs. Esse é o caminho para o estado reconhecer que o funk existe desvinculado do crime.

___

The proposal is to put in question opportunities to promote funk as a teaching tool to be used in schools or to create, for example, professional channels for training DJs.  This is the route by which the state can recognize that funk exists outside of crime.

This won’t just be a political echo chamber, however.  Expect testimony from DJs, MCs, and critics like Hermano Vianna (who blogs em português aqui).  In particular, a relatively new organization is leading the charge from the DJ/MC front: the Associação dos Profissionais e Amigos do Funk (Association of Funk Professionals and Friends), or APAFunk for short.  Their presidente is MC Leonardo, who I most recently mentioned for his contribution to the Tropa de Elite soundtrack, which has very much reinvigorated his career.  But as a recognizable figure dating back to the early 90s, he also has the long-term perspective that will serve him well representing funk to the public.

Their main goal is to repeal Law 5265, which was passed in June 2008.  It declares in Article 1:

A realização de eventos de música eletrônica, conhecidos como festas raves e de bailes do tipo funk, obedecerá ao disposto nesta Lei. (Electronic music events, known as rave parties or baile of the funk type, must obey the regulations of this law in order to take place.)

It goes on to assert police authority to shut down the baile, require that organizers record the event for police to review up to 6 months later, and specify such details as how many bathrooms are required.  The 30 day notification to the State Secretary of Security is particularly onerous, given how many events and line-ups are put together at the last minute.

Putting bailes under state authority, and in such a draconian, bleakly bureaucratic fashion, is tantamount to prohibition.  Only the most commercial bailes can realistically comply with such a law (or afford to bribe the right people), and while they are an important part of the baile funk landscape, they’re far from the most interesting.  On the flip side, only the most proibidão baile da comunidade is secure enough to completely flout the law.  But smaller scale promoters who want to operate in the asfalto, or in the vast stretches of the Zona Norte, Zona Oeste, and suburbs where the distinction between favela and asfalto is not so sharp, are caught in a lurch.

Thus is APAFunk leading the charge and FunkNeurotico urging the masses to show their support.  This is likely many funkeiros first political exposure, as the announcement makes clear: “ATENÇÃO: Traje para o Evento Camisa, calça comprida, sapato ou tênis – Não é permitido sob qualquer hipótese camisetas, bermudas e chinelos / ATTENTION: Bring to the event a shirt, long pants, and shoes or sneakers – You will not be permitted inside with t-shirts/tank tops, shorts and sandals.”

I was musing on the idea of politicized funkeiros — a far cry from the sight of funkeiros in the early 90s gang fighting on Ipanema — when a very provocative photo landed in my inbox.  Sany Pitbull has been taking it to the highest political levels.

nay-e-lula-031

Yes that is Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva playing an MPC.  He was visiting a community center in Cantagalo and asked for Sany to show him how to use the MPC.  Sany played the weekly baile in Cantagalo for a decade but recently quit over concerns that the new boss and his penchant for bringing guns into the baile could hurt his reputation.  I am glad to see he’s back on the hill in the daytime — indeed the Red Bull Funk-Se, where he did daily workshops, might indicate a new M.O. as professor de DJ.

He joked at the end of his e-mail, “what’s next, Obama asking me for a lesson too?”  Plenty of ink has been spelled on Obama as president of/by/for the hip-hop generation.  Could Brazil be on its way to a funk generation that will achieve similar political involvement?  Unlike hip-hop — or perhaps much like plenty of commercial hip-hop — funk is not known for its political awareness.  Outside of the scandal-marred political career of Veronica Costa, a city councilwoman accused of using her office to promote bailes run by her husband, mega-promoter Romulo Costa of Furação 2000, there hasn’t been much of a political face for funk.  But with what I hope was a decent turnout today at the Tiradentes Palace for the hearing, with MC Leonardo at the helm of APAFunk, and with Sany Pitbull making beats with Lula (I’ve never seen Obama touch a turntable for that matter), maybe funk really is getting organized for its own good.  A vote on repealing the baile regulation could come as soon as September 1.

Choque de Ordem

Friday, May 29th, 2009

Last week was my first time back to Rio in a year and a half, and the first time since the election of new mayor Eduardo Paes.  Immediately I perceived some serious efforts at bringing more “order” (whether hard or soft) to this notoriously chaotic and disordered city.  That, in fact, is what the campaign is called, a “choque de ordem,” an “order blitz” to shock the city into cleaning up its act.  In the first five days of the campaign, which began in January, 230 tons of trash were removed from the streets, 1,300 cars were ticketed, and 280 towed, from all parts of the (formal) city, generally targeting the more affluent Zona Sul and Barra da Tijuca as well as the working class Zona Norte.  Not much to argue with there.  An illegal building in nouveau riche Recreio was torn down, although the circumstances were unclear in the news article.  Illegal billboards and posters have been targeted as well, which could equally be affecting large commercial ventures as, say, the mural-style ads for music events that proliferate throughout the city.  On the darker front, 257 homeless people have been removed from downtown and Copacabana — to where and with what resources is also left unclear.

Eduardo Paes is something like Giuliani come to Rio, only the “quality of life” situation can easily take that darker turn here.  The choque de ordem entailed a complete police takeover of the Favela Dona Marta in Botafogo.  All of the traficantes were kicked out and the entire hill is under police control.  The extremely steep hill is reportedly going to play host to a cycling downhill in a few months.  The eventual goal is to retake all of the favelas in the Zona Sul, to finally put to rest the disturbances that upset all the upper-class condo dwellers.  Last month Maga Bo posted on the Rocinha invasion of Ladeira dos Tabajaras, a favela on the hill behind Copacabana.  He copped a proibidão montage that intros with a reporters’ voice about the attack, then mixes gun shots, big ups to the “bonde da Tabajaras,” and yells about those “filhos de puta” (sons of bitches) who came up the hill.   The titles translates as “Rocinha fucked itself.”

Just last Friday, the police invaded Pavão/Pavãozinho, neighbor to Cantagalo (famous for its Friday night baile that I have been frequenting since I first came to Rio).  Maga Bo was at home and told me about the helicopter that circled above the hill for hours and hours, while Wulfie, who lives up further on the hill, finally fled his house for some peace and quiet elsewhere.  The link I provided from RJTV has some video that gives a sense, as Bo pointed out in his Tabajaras post, of how such intense shooting can occur in a dense urban area.

The next morning I picked up a copy of O Globo, which in its usual prejudicial fashion emphasized that residents of Copacabana and Ipanema were disrupted by the shootout, only mentioning the obvious effect on the residents of the favela itself much deeper in the story.  The RJTV article is again more charitable, focusing on the schools that were forced to close and the park full of children that cleared out immediately.  In such a dense urban area, it is precisely this matter of proximity that matters, and while I respect the discomfort and potential danger (stray bullets have been known to lodge themselves outside the hill) that such violent activity has on the residents of Copacabana and Ipanema, it unquestionably has a worse effect on residents of Cantagalo and Pavão/Pavãozinho.  However, the implicitly classist (and by extension racist) interpretation of mainstream Brazilian media, especially the Globo empire, will always focus on the affected by virtue of wealth before taking a more objective perspective.

Ultimately it’s a matter of property values, with citizens who own more expensive real estate believing they have the right to better city services (which in the case of Rio, include a heavier police presence in the neighborhood favela).  I read another article that same day about an apartment building near the entrance to the tunnel that leads to Rocinha, which has become an informal gathering spot for the unlicensed vans that supplement the bus system.  Between the motors and the cobradors calling out stops, the noise has apparently led some to sell their places and subsequently devalued the property.  Real estate, again, is the supposed justification to make the city step in.  But favelas are what one economist calls “unreal estate,” although they have a way of exerting their own pressure to get something done about their lack of services, mostly when the pressure of their communities spills over the hillside.  Sadly, the police invasion once again interrupted the ongoing work of the PAC (Accelerated Growth Program), a nationwide initiation that Lula was touting in the favela of Manguinhos today.

The baile was canceled as a result, echoes of 2006 when one Friday I climbed the Cantagalo stairs only to be told “não tem baile a causa da guerra” (no baile on account of the war).  I went to Rocinha the next night instead for a blow out with “todos os novos ritmos” (all the new rhythms).  Wulfie says the baile funk (in the sense of the funk played at the baile) is moving to more “trippy” instrumentals and aquecimentos (warm ups) and less aggressive tamborzão with MCs.  Sandrinho told me something similar, that the music is becoming more dancefloor friendly, better for “a mulherada” (the women), who now make up a majority at the baile.  In the thousands thronging the Curve do S bus garage I had trouble telling, but there was plenty of everybody — age and gender.  The DJing that night more or less bore out those claims, although I still don’t know what to make of the ten minute psy-trance breakdown.

Leaving Rocinha with ears ringing at 5 am it’s hard to think the city is really becoming that much more “ordered,” that the tropical entropy of Rio will surely outlast Eduardo Paes.  How sustainable from a financial perspective is it to completely occupy a favela 24/7 with police?  Can they do it to all of the Zona Sul, even Rocinha?  How many people will have to die in the process?  What will the spillover be?  MC Gringo says a bunch of Dona Marta refugees came over his way to Pereira da Silva, where they were big-upped on the mic at a baile right as the BOPE (SWAT team) arrived — uh-oh.  A few thousand rounds later, the quadra needed a new roof.

It’s hard to escape the Rio 2016 candidate posters across the city, especially since the IOC made its official visit only a month ago.  Can you imagine Eduardo Paes’ embarrassment as they drive past favela after favela?  “You will have the situation ‘under control’ by 2016, yes?” askes Jacques Rogge.  As they toured the Engenho Novo Stadium built for the Pan-American Games in 2007, did they notice the entrance where iron gates were built to cut off the neighboring favela?  I can see it on NBC now: Panoramic shots of favela hillsides on TVs worldwide, mirroring the opening sequence of Ônibus 174.  Surely the IOC wants to give the global south its due and award South America its first Olympics.  I have a feeling I feel be returning in 2016 to report on the Olympic torch’s ability to burn what it doesn’t illuminate.

logo_rio_2016

MIA

Monday, May 25th, 2009

dsc05092

“In the continuing opera still called, even by Cubans who have now lived the largest part of their lives in this country, el exilio, the exile, meetings at private houses in Miami Beach are seen to have consequences.  The actions of individuals are seen to affect events directly.  Revolutions and counter-revolutions are framed in the private sector, and the state security apparatus exists exclusively to be enlisted by one or another private player.  That this particular political style, indigenous to the Caribbean and to Central America, has now been naturalized in the United States is one reason why, on the flat coastal swamps of South Florida, where the palmettos once blew over the detritus of a dozen failed blooms and the hotels were boarded up six months a year, there has evolved since the early New Year’s morning in 1959 when Fulgencio Batista flew for the last time out of Batista (for this flight, to the Dominican Republic on an Aerovías Q DC-4, the women still wore the evening dresses in which they had gone to dinner) a settlement of considerable interest, not exactly an American city as American cities have until recently been understood but a tropical capital: long on rumor, short on memory, overbuilt on the chimera of runway money and referring not to New York or Boston or Los Angeles or Atlanta but to Caracas and Mexico, to Havana and to Bogotá and to Paris and Madrid.  Of American cities Miami has since 1959 connected only to Washington, which is the peculiarity of both places, and increasingly the warp.”

–Joan Didion, Miami (1987)

To read this portrait of Miami and then travel there over twenty years later, only to find the same entrenched sentiments about Cuba, Castro, and the American government is, in a way, to think of Miami as akin to Havana: lost to time.  I ventured out into Little Havana and after heaping portions of bistec empanizada, arroz, e friojoles at El Nuevo Siglo, I wandered across the street to a Bay of Pigs monument, replete with eternal flame.  I noticed another statue going up behind it, and when I walked closer an older man came up to me.  Between my broken Spanish and his broken English, we more or less understood each other.  It went something like this:

“Tu es con el Herald [the newspaper]?”

“No, no, yo soy viajante.  Mas yo soy curioso.  Que es el monumento?”

“Nestor A. Isquierdo.  Brigada 2506.  Muerto en combate en Nicaragua contra los Sandinistas en junio 10 del 1979.”

“Su amigo?”

“Si.  Yo soy Gilberto Casanova, Secretario General de Acción Cubana.”

He then showed me an open letter to “Honorable Presidente Boraka J. Obama” (his spelling) en español asserting the need for a hardline policy against Cuba, no compromise, no visits, no tourism, nothing short of invasion.  A quick Google search reveals an Acción Cubana listed as a terrorist organization founded in 1974.  Whether this is the same one I have no idea, nor the biases of this online encyclopedia of Latin American terrorist organizations.  But the very language of it — Cuban Action, Secretary General — strikes me so much as the bombast of communism (the endless titles and proliferating organizations).  Mirror images from Miami to Havana and back.  His wife sat in a lawn chair with a bemused look.  Didion highlights the all-important distinction between “hombres de acción” and men of talk.  Despite the name of his organization, I am not sure El Secretario General is the former, perhaps just one who memoralizes them.

I stopped into a music store on Calle Ocho across the street from the park where the old men play dominoes.  With all due respect to Señor Casanova’s political predilections, in the interest of more exchange à la Presidente Boraka J. Obama here are some bocados cubanos.

Later I went to the other Little Miami neighborhood, le Petit Haïti.  I stopped in a bakery/ice cream shop, where a little French went a long way — from a strong recommendation for the pineapple over the strawberry to what I was really after: a Haitian bookstore.  In turn I was pointed to the remarkable Libreri Mapou, chock full of Kreyol, French, and English language books.  I have a deferred dream of learning Kreyol (my copy of Annou Palé Kréyòl is still collecting dust), which this visit perhaps revived.  On verra, we’ll see.

The day was enough to affirm that Miami is more than just a Latin waypoint, a conduit to the Americas, as a glance at any departures board in MIA reveals in thrilling technicolor fashion.  It is of course a destination in its own right for “Nuestra América,” where Spanish and French and Kréyòl and probably Portuguese if I tried hard enough all commingle in the same day, no need for a passport.  Among other things, it solidified an absolute need to learn Spanish.  Enough faking with portuñol.  Yo gusto de português, mas yo necessito de español tambíen.

But I was headed for Brazil, as always — the passage through MIA a treasured ritual as much as any other aspect of my trips south.  Paul Morand writes in Indian Air, a dreamy travelogue of South America in the 1930s, the dawn of the aviation era, about returning via New Orleans, which once occupied Miami’s role in inter-American transit.  It would categorically not be the same to go to South America from Atlanta or Houston.  No where else does the departure board have to distinguish Barcelona, Spain from Barcelona, Venezuela or George Town, Barbados from Georgetown, Guyana.  I caught the red-eye to Rio, as always, but maybe next time La Paz or Lima, Caracas or Montevideo.  Lingering in MIA late at night, the entire hemisphere is a possibility.

dsc05095

Missing In Action

Sunday, February 8th, 2009

While the divide between “mainstream” and “underground” orbits is far more permeable than the terms of would suggest in a world of viral marketing and major-label artists cutting mixtapes to bolster their street cred, I can safely say that the Grammy  are something like Jupiter – large, distant, and nebulous — so I usually don’t pay them much attention.

But tonight, a certain Sri Lankan by way of London was up for record of the year with “Paper Planes.”  She lost to Coldplay — surprise? — but did perform the PP-sampled “Swagga Like Us” with the “rap pack” in all her pregnant glory and on her due date.  I’m sure her maternity outfit will have the fashion bloggers up in arms (they already didn’t like her red carpet dress) and I doubt she had her ob/gyn’s permission, but I’ll unabashedly take of my hat to her hanging with the boys.  And, for that matter, giving the hyper-beauty contest of an awards show a big “fuck you.”

Unfortunately, there is a more delicate subtext that I want to get to.  The “Paper Planes” success story is a straightforward case of the song — and then portions of it — becoming increasingly divorced from its source in our sample-happy (free) culture.  It was the moderately successful lead (and Diplo/Switch-produced) single on a moderately successful sophomore album.  But it took off when used in the trailer for a stoner flick that generally had nothing to do with Maya’s purported set of concerns.  It got another cinematic boost with Slumdog Millionaire, which is much more in line with the third-world politics of M.I.A., causing the song to quickly outclipse the album.  As just one example, The NY Daily News explicitly calls the song “from the movie ‘Slumdog Millionaire’” rather than from her album Kala. Meanwhile, the line “no one on the corner has swagga like us” got sampled by Jay-Z and T.I., who both used it as the hook for singles from their respective 2008 albums.  Both were nominated for “Best Rap Album,” which Lil’ Wayne just won — but when they cut to T.I. after mentioning “Paper Trail,” they actually played just the M.I.A. sample, not any lyrics that T.I. was singing.  If I had to guess, it’s the Hollywood hit and big-time rapper aspect that earned her the nomination, not a deep love of dancehall-bhangra-funk-dub-sampled mash-up fusion at the Recording Academy. That said, “O Saya,” a more distinctly Indian track, was nominated for an Oscar, so she’ll have a post-partum awards show to attend as well.

Having seen the film, I have to admit it’s a fitting soundtrack to the montage of plucky Jamal and Salim riding the rails to make a quick buck – either honestly or otherwise.  “Sometimes I feel like sitting on trains / Every stop I get to, I’m clocking that game / Everyone’s a winner now we’re making the fame / Bonafide hustler I’m making my name” resonates with that scene more than the tenuous “get high like planes” to the cannabis-themed Pineapple Express.  Instead, SD operates more at the level of “catch me at the border I’ve got visas in my name” in its vision of Mumbai crime world intrigue.

However, the use of “Paper Planes” is also was triggered my notion that perhaps SD is not by an Indian director – I hadn’t done my homework before heading to the theater.  Lo and behold, Danny Boyle is a Brit adapting an Indian novel.  I can only applaud his audaciousness at diving into such a deep story, where India – or at least Mumbai – is really at the heart, rather than serving as a backdrop for plot or character machinations like in Darjeeling Limited.  He’s also not shy about using spoken Hindi or Bollywood themes, although as a total novice in that arena I can’t speak to his choice of Indian music.

Nonetheless, it’s indicative of M.I.A.’s rise to not necessarily global stardom but certainly Western stardom – the kind where the Grammys convey prestige – that I heard “Paper Planes” and immediately questioned the Indian pedigree of SD.  Of course, she’s Sri Lankan and not Indian, which has a lot to do with that double take.  I’ve looked at a map long enough to know that the Palk Strait is there dividing the two.

But it brings me back to a question that has lingered for awhile whenever M.I.A.’s name pops to the surface.  What is her relationship to Sri Lanka?  Is it a prop – a backdrop – or a serious concern?  In that vein, I stumbled across a very accusatory remix-response to Paper Planes from Sri Lankan rapper DeLon.

*Violent, bloody footage — Vewer be warned*

I’m not about to wade into the  politics of a conflict that I don’t fully understand, but suffice to say in light of the very much ongoing upheaval, it’s still a pressing issue.  DeLon obviously has his own pro-government view and a definite agenda in cemeneting the Tamil Tigers = terrorist equation.  He clearly latches onto the U.S.’s own post-9/11 terror talk (see the quick shot of the Twin Towers), a questionable strategy, but he at least appears invested in his country and efforts toward peace.  His blog claims:

DeLon and Ceylon Records stand for peace. DeLon has spent many years funding non-profits in Sri Lanka, building homes for tsunami victims, helping those who are maimed from war, and speaking out against child soldiers. He is not someone who is just rapping. He actually DOES something about it through is tangible actions. This movement is to raise awareness about the situation in Sri Lanka, educate the youth about the destruction of war, and promote peace. It’s about making us think twice before we buy a CD that is built from the blood of innocent women, children, and civilians who die every day. It’s about thinking twice before we unknowingly support something that ultimately destroys humanity.

This is a lot bigger than DeLon or MIA. It’s bigger than even Sri Lanka. It’s about global peace, awareness, and real actions to help each other.

Sincerity?  A marketing push?  Another global hip-hop story with powerful interests behind it?

Whatever it is, DeLon certainly hammers home the lyrical irresponsibility of “some some some I some I murder / some I some I let go.”

I only wonder, had MIA won, what would she have said in an acceptance speech?  Anything about Sri Lanka?  Anything about the world she’s bringing her child into?

Good Neighbors / Bons Vizinhos

Saturday, January 31st, 2009

Clarification: “Blame It On Samba,” the first ZéTube I embedded below, was released after World War II in 1948.  I didn’t explicitly attribute it to either of the WWII Latin Disney efforts that I cited, but if it was unintentionally implied, well there you have it. (thx Kariann Goldschmitt)

____

The decidedly unBrazilian weather this week cancelled Wednesday night’s Braziladelphia/Discoteca party, but instead I caught up on some Brazilian linkthink –

  • Brazil Soul Power, made for a UT-Austin master’s, makes me think universities all over should require websites this good to graduate (h/t Andrew Giessel).

I’ve also been poring over some vintage Disney (h/t Kasanova) down south:

While I am charmed by the notion that samba can sweep away the literal blues plaguing Daffy Duck and Zé Carioca (more on him in a minute), I do wonder about the dual nature of “blame,” which certainly has more a negative that positive connotation.  What is the title suggesting that you blame on samba?  Is it an excuse for distraction?  An implied Brazilian attitude to shrug off responsibility?  It’s left very unclear.  From a more musical level, moreover, there is very little that actually sounds like samba, especially during the first half before the samba cocktail gets going with the live woman playing keyboard.  Samba to dance to is rarely if ever a one-person affair and I find it strange they didn’t show a full band, unless maybe there were technical limitations (and the larger-than-life instruments were supposed to fulfill that role).  The dancing, however, of both the cartoon characters and the real dancers, was not samba at all — this coming from a gringo who has tried very hard (and failed) to learn how to sambar.

“Aquarela do Brasil,” a scene from the 1942 Disney release Saludos Amigos (more, in turn, on that in a minute), gets it much better, thanks in no small part to a bonafide samba classic by Ary Barroso being the source musical material.  The cross-cultural exchange between the clueless tourist Daffy (the monolingual American mispronouncing Portugese) and the much suaver José (notably defined by his name — he is carioca so much that it names him) is simple but effective.  Daffy extends his hand for a shake; Zé grabs him in a warm embrace.  Daffy sees the bottle of cachaça and thinks it’s sodapop; Zé downs his no problem and lights his cigar off the fire that Daffy breathes from drinking it too fast.

But while the cartoon might well have served as a tourism promotion tool, it was actually part of much larger geopolitical machinations.  Disney traveled to South America and received government backing to produce films lauding our new South American friends, products of the “Good Neighbor Policy” designed to keep them under the Allies’ sphere of influence.  In addition to Saludos Amigos, the American viewing public also got 1944’s The Three Caballeros. In a disappointing linguistic blunder, both chose Spanish titles even though the Portuguese-speaking Zé Carioca was a main character in both and Carmen Miranda’s younger sister features in the latter.  Carmen Miranda, meanwhile, was an in-the-flesh Latin promotion effort, a story told probingly in the documentary Bananas is my Business.  The symbolism and imagery of these efforts to promote Brazil to the American public were naturally one-dimensional, especially having a lily white (and Portugal-born) chanteuse singing samba, which a scant generation earlier was derided as too African.

Of course, the kind of samba being promoted was itself far from the spontaneous, imprompu tradition from which the music sprang.  “Aquarela do Brasil” was a samba-exaltação (exaltation samba), patriotic in purpose and serving the interests of the dictatorial and quasi-fascist Vargas regime.  It was Vargas who had institutionalized the samba parade in Rio during the 1930s, turning it into a tool of nationalist pride, making it rigid, orderly, an almost military processional.  The state, in essence, co-opted a cultural form — or at least one major manifestation of it — steeped in resistance to the dominant order.  But the ’30s and ’40s were a time of dominant orders and militarization.  The Good Neighbor Policy worked ultimately, with Brazil declaring war on Nazi Germany in 1943 after one too many U-Boat attacks on its ships.  Here is the less playful side of Brazil that the Office of War Information portrayed:

That supposed 3 million man army was in reality the much smaller 25,000 strong Brazilian Expeditionary Force, which saw heavy combat in Italy.  Thus the end result of samba politics.  A sullied use of music, perhaps, although I am not so hyper-normative as to be unwilling to affirm my gratitude that Brazil chose to side with the Allies rather than the Axis (which was not a foregone conclusion, given that Vargas’ political proclivities were quite Mussolini-esque).  One use of culture begats another, though, and the result by 1960 was a prominent piece of monumental architecture in the Brazilian international style dedicated to the soldiers of World War II.

pracinhas-ccby

cello, boom box, harmonica, voice

Tuesday, January 20th, 2009

Praise Song for the Day

Elizabeth Alexander

Each day we go about our business

walking past each other,

catching each others’ eyes

or not,

about to speak or speaking.

All about us is noise.

All about us is noise and bramble,

thorn and din,

each one of our ancestors on our tongues.

Someone is stitching up a hem, darning a hole in a uniform, patching a tire, repairing the things in need of repair.

Someone is trying to make music somewhere with a pair of wooden spoons

on an oil drum.

With cello, boom box, harmonica, voice.

A woman and her son wait for the bus.

A farmer considers the changing sky.

A teacher says, “Take out your pencils. Begin.”

We encounter each other in words,

Words spiny or smooth, whispered or declaimed,

Words to consider, reconsider.

We cross dirt roads and highways that mark the will of someone

and then others who said, “I need to see what’s on the other side.

I know there’s something better down the road.”

We need to find a place where we are safe.

We walk into that which we cannot yet see.

Say it plain: that many have died for this day.

Sing the names of the dead who brought us here,

who laid the train tracks,

raised the bridges,

picked the cotton and the lettuce,

built brick by brick the glittering edifices they would then keep clean and work inside of.

Praise song for struggle. Praise song for the day. Praise song for every hand-lettered sign.

The figuring it out at kitchen tables.

Some live by “Love thy neighbor as thy self.”

Others by first do no harm, or take no more than you need.

What if the mightiest word is love, love beyond marital, filial, national?

Love that casts a widening pool of light.

Love with no need to preempt grievance.

In today’s sharp sparkle, this winter air, anything can be made, any sentence begun.

On the brink, on the brim, on the cusp – praise song for walking forward in that light.

Year of the Train

Sunday, January 4th, 2009

The train is Beat Diaspora’s prediction for 2009.  Wrapping up my west coast explorations, I was thoroughly impressed with Amtrak California.  The northeast corridor thinks it has a monopoly on quality train travel in the U.S., but in fact this state/federal partnership has put some impressive machinery on the tracks.  Folks may still love their cars to explore the big, open west, but I found it wasn’t such a bad way to get around.  My visit is hot on the heels of plenty of encouraging train news both here & abroad:

  • While the California election results were mired in the Prop 8 blame game, further up the ballot Prop 1A sailed through.  Granted, California’s budget crisis and the ongoing global credit crunch are unlikely to free up those $10 billion any time soon, but traffic-weary Californians can take solace that somewhere down the road, there will be a California Bullet.
  • China is amping up its rail infrastructure in the new year, set to go from over double to over triple the number of miles of track that we have in the U.S.
  • Not to suggest keeping up with the Changs, but I’m sorry to hear the Obama stimulus package is veering off track with state projects almost exclusively for roads.  Here is one Bay Area voice arguing that mass transit shouldn’t be left in the rear view mirror.
  • Unfortunately, I’m left to conclude that Obama’s planned arrival by train is more for the Lincoln symbolism (Bible anyone?) than a new direction in national transportation policy.

Railroad blues?  Check this archive for an extensive soundtrack to the American train experience.  It’s a broad run, from American folk music to Thomas the Tank Engine.

Nothing synchs the pleasant repetition of crossing train ties for me like some deep techno, the kind you get lost in for hours.  Shuttling between Boston and Philadelphia and D.C. and points in between, especially at night, those are the beats that carry me from station to station.

Europe — haven for techno and trains alike — has been combining the two for over thirty years now (Trans-Europe Express, c. 1977).  For a more recent iteration, check out Daso & Pawas’ Night Express EP (Flash Recordings), whose tracks namecheck both the ICE (German express train) and TGV (the French one).

Unfamiliar Sights

Monday, December 1st, 2008

Holidays afford a routine return to familiar territory that is the perfect opportunity to change perspective. Countless times I have zoomed up I-95 — the interstate highway, the ultimate American non-place [link via this excellent repository] — and into Baltimore. I mark my entrance by that smoke stack, this solitary remnant of heavy industry on life support that is as much a cultural symbol of the city, a tourism board’s welcome sign, as it the machinery of a factory.

Swooping over the Middle River and either branching off into downtown or continuing under the harbor, this elevated stretch of interchanges and off-ramps dazzles the eye. The water, the shipyard, the Key Bridge, the neighborhoods fanning out from downtown, and the city’s modest skyline all compete for attention. It is a microcosm of the northeastern city, serving up a feast for hungry urban eyes.

But with the encroachment of non-places like I-95 that funnel in suburbanites, dumping them at the city’s faux-historical economic engine, the Inner Harbor, comes the shadow of the highway trusses looming over forgotten neighborhoods. What haven’t I seen in all those years of traveling into Baltimore by car?

I’ve given up on private car ownership, and when coming from outside the city now feel reluctant to bring a new private automobile into it. Call it moral congestion pricing. So on Friday, I parked at the edge of D.C. and took the Metro, taking advantage of late night weekend service. On Saturday, I took that game plan to Baltimore, hoping to take transit in a state notoriously hostile to it.

My M.O. was the Baltimore light rail, which snakes from BWI Airport and southern inner ring suburbs through downtown, heading north to its terminus at ex-shopping mall/current “town centre” Hunt Valley. I swore allegiance to the MBTA for four years, am doggedly loyal to SEPTA, and even keep subway porn on my coffee table, yet never have I taken Baltimore’s tentative steps toward effective public transportation.

As the train crept north, I was particulary interested in seeing the vast hive of concrete and waterways around the Middle River from surface level. The trip did not disappoint, as I discovered two neighborhoods hidden in the shadow of I-95 and I-295. The first, Westport, is in fact cleaved by the latter highway. It is a tiny, down on its heels enclave of rowhouses, now poised for massive redevelopment by the light rail stop. A developer plans a giant high-rise complex with hotel rooms, office space, condos, and retail, which strikes me as a contrast of urban luxury and poverty of Mumbai proportions. While I certainly favor transit-oriented development, as this surely will force heavier usage of the light rail at its doorstep, I’m left with grave concerns about how such a development will interact with the existing neighborhood. Job training? Or the equally likely gated entrances, private security, and surveillance cameras? If there even is a neighborhood left, given the money that starts being put on the table to feed the “insatiable demand for homes on or near the water.”


Eerie overtones of the Johns Hopkins hospital in East Baltimore, which looms like a citadel over the struggling neighborhoods at its feet. Town-[hospital] gown tensions run constantly.

Next stop: Cherry Hill. In another overlooked corner by those of us whose itineraries are circumscribed by highway routes, I found the nation’s first planned community for African-Americans, designed to house WWII veterans. Sadly, it experienced rapid post-war disinvestment and decay, with the veterans’ homes becoming public housing. But just across the water from Westport, the planners have come back as more waterfront property becomes enticing. An active neighborhood group (”A great neighborhood — getting even better!) catalogues the ongoing development of the Cherry Hill master plan, which remains contentious in the community.

Later that night, I was listening to the Audio Infusion on WEAA. The DJ announced a caller from Cherry Hill and I smiled in recognition. The next morning, on the road in the I-95 morass, I craned my neck to catch a newly familiar sight, the stately Baltimore Rowing Club on the Middle River, with Cherry Hill fanning out behind it. New routes lead to new discoveries.

Tic-Tac-TObama

Tuesday, November 4th, 2008


Polls close in 15 minutes here in battleground-cum-blue Pennsylvania. No snags over at the local fire station serving as my polling place, just some tired neighbors who were running the show all day. I did read about some supposed Black Panther voter intimidation over in North Philly that was debunked. That said, I was walking to the polling station an hour ago as night had already settled in to see if there were lines (and donate my leftover Halloween candy). Some men on their porch asked me if I had voted as I walked by. I told them yes. They asked me for whom. Come to think of it, I should have told them it was none of their business — the secret ballot is a right — but of course the “I voted Obama” sticker, “Barack Obama” in Hebrew button, and Phillies/Obama t-shirt gave it away. Still, what if I had said McCain, or even stuck with my tightlipped response? A white guy in a black neighborhood — where normally I feel safe — maybe there is an intimidation factor in neighborhoods and towns that tilt extremely to one side or the other? I gave them some Raisinets and everything was cool.

Scattershot –

  • “The McCain campaign has said they have to win Pennsylvania.” — Anderson Cooper, CNN (T-minus 4 minutes to polls closing)
  • Twittering your way to Grant Park might prove entertaining. After tonight, Chicago will be the second city no more.
  • Cabide DJ knows who he would vote for, just check that sleeve.

Non-Alignment Pact

Wednesday, October 29th, 2008


Buried in the international section of the Inqy I saw a small story on Rwanda and their decision to stop teaching French in favor of English in the nation’s schools (syndicated from the WaPo, of course, in this era of shrinking newsrooms). The article is mostly blase, operating on the assumption of French’s diminishing role in the world. In particular, it prints a horrendous quote by Theoneste Mutsindashyaka, Rwanda’s state minister for education: “When you look at the French-speaking countries - it’s really just France, and a small part of Belgium and a small part of Switzerland.”

Tell that to the Organisation internationale de la francophonie (Fr only, natch) and its claim of 200 million French speakers on five continents. I guess the minister never took a look at this map. Across the pond, The Guardian dug a little deeper, pulling a better quote from Vincent Karenga, the Trade and Industry Minister: “French is spoken only in France, some parts of west Africa, parts of Canada and Switzerland.” Still off-base — he didn’t even mention Belgium, the very reason French is spoken in Rwanda — but at least he got West Africa, a massive stronghold of French and the very reason French will remain a major language over the coming decades.

Of course, the article appropriately links the decision to lingering anger at the French for their role in the Rwandan genocide and a wider post-colonial push away from European powers, especially former colonizer francophone Belgium. But as an assiduous observer of French as a language of resistance in the Americas, from Louisiana to the Caribbean to Québec, I’m sorry to hear it couldn’t occupy a more positive role in Rwanda. Its role in Africa is more as a common thread across countries filled with hundreds of local languages. That, in part, has rendered Dakar such a hub for African hip-hop — a swirl of languages with French usually running through.

I wonder how politics will trickle down to affect culture vis-à-vis Rwandan hip-hop. The excellent Africanhiphop.com points to an excited local scene with the usual hybrid of languages (Swahili, the local Kinyarwanda, French, and English). Several profiles point to French-language schools that rappers attdended as children. But as that shifts in the coming generation, it’s only logical that French will fall by the wayside, and by extension the tour dates to France and Canada will be replaced by the UK and the U.S.